PARIS — For some weeks now, Algerians have been taking to the streets for peaceful demonstrations. The now-historic protests climax every Friday, when people of all ages and backgrounds come together to march and chant slogans and songs.
At first, the protesters rallied to oppose a fifth term for President Abdelaziz Bouteflika, who has been in power since 1999 and so sickly for years that he has been appearing in public only in the form of a framed portrait (before which numerous officials have bowed). Mr. Bouteflika — or the people who make decisions in his place — finally renounced seeking another extension, all the while announcing that he would continue to run the country to oversee a transition toward some eventual “inclusive national conference.” Then, the vox populi made itself heard again: “No to an extended mandate,” the protesters said this time, brandishing signs with “4+” crossed out.
On Tuesday, the army chief of staff, Gen. Ahmed Gaïd Salah, called on Algeria’s constitutional court to consider whether Mr. Bouteflika is unfit to rule. The move appeared to be a bid to take responsibility for the popular discontent. General Gaïd Salah, an ally of Mr. Bouteflika since 2002 who owes the president some major promotions, seemed rather menacing toward the protesters at first. But now here he is apparently suggesting that the army will side with the people. And by appealing to the constitutional court, General Gaïd Salah seems to be signaling both respect for the rule of law and that no coup is in the offing.
The change of direction is significant. Then again, sidelining the president — assuming that Mr. Bouteflika does indeed go — will solve absolutely nothing.
The men and women of Algeria want no less than wholesale change of the “system” — a generic term the protesters use often to refer to the apparatus of power, opaque and predatory, that controls the country. “Yatnahaw ga’” (Clear them all out) and “System, clear out” — these recurrent slogans express the demonstrators’ determination and desire to reject, once and for all, the people who are responsible for Algeria’s failure. This country showed so much promise upon independence in 1962, and yet today part of its youth has no prospect other than to embark on dangerous, husk-like boats in search of a better life in Europe.
After one decade of terrible and traumatic violence in the 1990s came two of a muddled presidency that solved none of Algeria’s fundamental problems. The economy is as dependent as ever on fossil fuels. Unemployment cripples the young. The government’s education and health policies still await unlikely reform. Corruption remains endemic. An iron armor seems to restrict any individual initiative and denies Algerians what the philosopher Hannah Arendt called “the right to have rights.”
It always is risky to characterize an entire people; one risks lapsing into clichés or cheap determinism. But one thing can be said without hesitation about Algerians today, especially those who are protesting: They are mature. Calmly, they have mobilized to express legitimate grievances.
So why do so many of them oppose the kind of constitutional reform that General Gaïd Salah is now proposing?
On the one hand, there are the younger generations, who are far more political than is commonly understood. The West may shut its doors to them, and their own economic hardships may prevent them from traveling even to neighboring countries. But they are open to the world, thanks in part to social media, and they have followed carefully neighboring Tunisia’s transition since 2011.
Older Algerians, for their part, have not forgotten the country’s own spring at the end of the 1980s. The authorities of the day, after first ordering the army to shoot at another generation of youth — this one very angry — later agreed to a transition of sorts, notably allowing the advent of multiparty politics, the army’s withdrawal from civilian politics and greater freedom for the media. But however exhilarating this step toward democracy was for Algerian society at the time, it was doomed from the start.
That transition was directed — manipulated — by the authorities, without any participation from the opposition or civil society. In a bid to ensure their own survival, the authorities let the Islamists loose to scare the people. The gambit worked, but at the cost of a gruesome civil war. Algerians today do not want to repeat these mistakes.
They do not want to see installed in the presidential palace in a few months a younger and more modern clone of Mr. Bouteflika. And they do not want the current authorities to hold the ship’s wheel through any transition.
Algerians today want to invent something, and that can forestall any outside interference of the kind that the West or Persian Gulf countries exerted in Libya and Syria. They want a transition that will give time to time — and, more than anything, that isn’t fixed from the get-go. For them, the solution isn’t holding elections, legislative or presidential, any time soon. Protesters in Algeria want radical reform.
The goal isn’t tabula rasa but a thorough, structural remelting brought about in a transition overseen by consensual figures — lawyers, academics, representatives from civil society. The point is to cleanse the political field and make it more pluralistic. A transitional government could well manage many of the day-to-day matters of state while a constituent assembly is set up, or a referendum is organized, to let Algerians determine for themselves what their priorities are. The powers-that-be today would have to partake in any such transition, but they should not get to control its outcome.
So General Gaïd Salah finally has turned his back on Mr. Bouteflika. Many officials who until very recently were still prostrating themselves before the presidential portrait are now following suit. But Algerians are watching this scene with a mocking eye, knowing that the play hardly is over. They will not be duped.
And they know what they want. They want Algeria’s real leaders — the army and the security forces — to finally accept consequential change and give up their monopoly over any political decision-making in Algeria.
Akram Belkaïd is a member of Le Monde diplomatique’s editorial team. This essay was translated by The New York Times from the French.
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福彩上海快三开奖结果查询【战】【斗】【持】【续】【了】【几】【个】【时】【辰】，【让】【霍】【去】【病】【部】【感】【到】【意】【外】【的】【是】，【没】【想】【到】【这】【一】【部】【落】【还】【是】【非】【常】【强】【悍】【的】，【居】【然】【让】【羽】【林】【军】【损】【失】【了】【近】【五】【百】【人】【和】【五】【百】【匹】【战】【马】【才】【收】【拾】【下】【来】。 【简】【易】【的】【帐】【篷】【和】【辎】【重】【被】【烧】【得】【火】【光】【一】【片】，【在】【黑】【夜】【中】【已】【经】【看】【不】【清】【地】【上】【的】【尸】【体】【是】【敌】【还】【是】【友】【了】，【只】【听】【见】【没】【死】【的】【不】【停】【的】【在】**，【和】【汉】【军】【呼】【唤】【活】【着】【同】【伴】【的】【声】【音】。 【霍】【去】【病】【将】【匈】【奴】【的】【将】
【苏】【文】【将】【张】【初】【正】【送】【走】【后】，【回】【到】【客】【厅】，【把】【两】【枚】【桃】【子】【送】【到】【父】【母】【房】【间】。 【这】【东】【西】【还】【是】【的】【本】【质】【还】【是】【桃】【子】，【不】【易】【保】【存】，【马】【上】【吃】【掉】【最】【好】。 【至】【于】【最】【近】【针】【对】【他】【的】【那】【些】【乱】【七】【八】【糟】【的】【事】【情】，【张】【初】【正】【让】【他】【想】【怎】【么】【办】【就】【怎】【么】【办】，【不】【用】【顾】【忌】【什】【么】。【这】【件】【事】【如】【果】【说】【背】【后】【没】【有】【黑】【手】，【张】【初】【正】【自】【己】【都】【不】【信】，【不】【过】，【顶】【多】【也】【就】【是】【把】【他】【的】【信】【息】【泄】【露】【一】【部】【分】【出】【去】
“【你】【瞧】【着】【雪】【儿】，【现】【在】【是】【混】【的】【风】【生】【水】【起】【了】。”【颜】【蓁】【指】【着】【远】【处】【那】【人】【说】【道】。 【作】【为】【苏】【桂】【卿】【的】【夫】【人】，【自】【然】【有】【不】【少】【人】【要】【去】【巴】【结】【颜】【雪】。 【颜】【雪】【现】【在】【的】【样】【子】，【和】【之】【前】【的】【比】【较】，【可】【谓】【是】【扬】【眉】【吐】【气】【了】。 【颜】【淑】【笑】【了】【一】【笑】，【没】【有】【接】【话】。 【因】【为】【圣】【上】【的】【事】【情】，【太】【后】【精】【神】【不】【济】，【早】【早】【的】【就】【让】【人】【走】【了】。 【颜】【蓁】【作】【为】【皇】【家】【的】【儿】【媳】【妇】，【不】【能】【先】【走】
【一】【入】【水】，**【就】【发】【现】【了】【不】【对】，“【潭】【水】”【不】【是】【水】，【而】【是】【一】【种】【气】【状】【物】。 【赵】【小】【六】【凌】【空】【而】【立】，【虽】【然】【早】【进】【来】，【却】【没】【有】【先】【下】【潭】【底】，【一】【直】【在】【等】【着】**。【此】【时】【见】【到】**【在】【好】【奇】“【潭】【水】”【是】【何】【物】，【冷】【冷】【开】【口】：“【这】【是】【凝】【质】【化】【的】【寒】【罡】【气】，【只】【有】【极】【寒】【之】【地】【才】【会】【出】【现】，【这】【口】【寒】【潭】【的】【形】【成】，【说】【明】【此】【地】【有】【极】【寒】【之】【物】。” 【极】【寒】【之】【物】【能】【牵】【引】【三】【尸】【神】【灯】福彩上海快三开奖结果查询【算】【了】，【这】【家】【伙】【性】【格】【太】【恶】【劣】【了】，【当】【初】【使】【唤】【自】【己】【做】【各】【种】【奇】【葩】【的】【任】【务】，【才】【不】【要】【把】【他】【当】【朋】【友】！ 【不】【过】，【如】【果】【能】【回】【无】【极】【大】【陆】【看】【看】【苏】【意】【就】【好】【了】。 【谢】【秋】【的】【脑】【海】【里】，【浮】【现】【出】【她】【笑】【靥】【如】【花】【的】【脸】。 【她】【至】【今】【都】【不】【知】【道】【自】【己】【爱】【她】，【这】【是】【他】【们】【之】【间】【最】【好】【的】【状】【态】。 【因】【为】【如】【果】【她】【知】【道】【了】，【自】【己】【就】【再】【也】【不】【能】【明】【目】【张】【胆】【地】【回】【去】，【跟】【她】【插】【科】【打】【诨】，
【辅】【公】【拓】【感】【到】【奇】【怪】，【已】【听】【闻】【杜】【伏】【威】【在】【江】【北】【与】【朝】【廷】【军】【队】【作】【战】【失】【利】，【被】【生】【擒】【活】【捉】【了】，【理】【应】【被】【问】【斩】【才】【对】，【怎】【么】【会】【突】【然】【出】【现】【在】【江】【宁】【城】【内】，【来】【到】【了】【将】【军】【府】【外】！ 【入】【城】【的】【时】【候】，【竟】【没】【有】【被】【守】【卫】【发】【现】，【直】【到】【出】【现】【在】【这】【里】，【这】【件】【事】【透】【着】【蹊】【跷】。 “【左】【先】【生】，【你】【如】【何】【看】？” 【左】【游】【仙】【沉】【思】【着】【分】【析】【道】：“【杜】【总】【管】【忽】【然】【出】【现】【这】，【此】【事】【大】【不】【简】【单】
【女】【人】【咳】【嗽】【了】【一】【声】，“【我】【也】【没】【去】【过】【对】【方】【的】【店】【铺】，【也】【不】【知】【道】【他】【们】【的】【衣】【服】【怎】【么】【样】，【不】【过】【按】【照】【大】【人】【您】【的】【眼】【力】【来】【的】【话】，【您】【说】【她】【们】【是】【渣】【渣】，【她】【们】【就】【是】【渣】【渣】。” 【就】【在】【这】【个】【时】【候】，【试】【衣】【间】【的】【门】【被】【推】【开】，【如】【同】【换】【了】【一】【个】【人】【一】【般】，【出】【现】【在】【她】【们】【两】【个】【人】【面】【前】【的】【是】【两】【个】【如】【同】【仙】【女】【仙】【童】【一】【般】【的】【孩】【子】。 【凤】【九】【歌】【自】【己】【也】【没】【有】【想】【到】【自】【己】【随】【手】【救】【下】【来】【的】